Special Correspondent,
Global Newz, Kolkata, India,
5th,Nov’2023, Sunday,
The Zionist movement and violence
– Abdallah Gasmi
The Zionist state continues its brutal aggression against the Gaza Strip by land, sea and air. Since last Friday evening, the sporadic incursions have turned into a ground invasion in which hundreds of tanks and armored vehicles participate, in addition to the engineering corps and thousands of infantry. As of writing these lines, the number of martyrs and those missing under the rubble in Gaza has reached about 11,000 and the wounded to 22,000. Tens of thousands of homes have been destroyed, and hundreds of thousands have once again become refugees in their homeland. Israel, with absolute American support, rejected the ceasefire, and accused those who called for it for humanitarian reasons of supporting terrorism and anti-Semitism. The Israeli propaganda machine is promoting that the Hamas movement is like ISIS, even a Nazi movement, and Israel’s representative to the United Nations, Gilad Erdan, went so far as to place a yellow badge on his robe, indicating that Israel is facing “Nazism” and that it has no right to… Someone can prevent it from being forcibly uprooted.
As Israel commits crimes and massacres and is heading towards more, it is preparing allegations to justify the crime, and we find Arab disappointment not only in not confronting the Israeli war machine on the ground, but not even in confronting the Israeli propaganda machine, which is the most important tool of crime.
Zionism and violence
Throughout the modern history of Palestine, every battle, round of violence, and confrontation had concrete and specific contexts, but the main reason for violence has not changed for more than a hundred years, which is that the Zionist project produces violence automatically and permanently because it is a project that is not applicable by peaceful means. Whoever wants to rob people Its land and homeland need violence and oppression. The owner of the land and homeland does not give them up without resistance, nor does he give them to the colonizer willingly, and he will not receive with flowers anyone who wants to take away his land and country. When the Zionist movement decided to establish a Jewish state in Palestine, it declared war on the people of Palestine, because establishing this state logically requires controlling the land and geography, and expelling people to change the demographics, and this cannot be implemented except through violence and oppression of the people of the country. The Zionist project was associated with violence, which became a central and obligatory component of it, and without it there was no room for the other four components: immigration, settlement, the Hebrew language, and connection to a major imperial power. Zionist violence exists permanently through displacement, settlement, confiscation, siege, occupation, Judaization, oppression, oppression, persecution, killing, destruction, deprivation of rights, erasure of the other, falsification of history and geography, and the list is long, and it is certainly not a passing event with a beginning and an end. It began with the beginning of the Zionist project and will not end until it ends, its dismantling, and the making of peace. A true bi-national system, based on complete equality and correcting the historical injustice inflicted on the people of Palestine
The massacre
What we see today in terms of the crimes and massacres of the brutal aggressive war launched by Israel against the people of Palestine in Gaza is a link in a chain of violence, characterized by intensification, escalation and more atrocity, and being closer to a massacre against civilians than to a war between combatants. Israel considers the crimes it commits to be a form of “rational violence,” necessary to ensure existence and protect existence, and therefore, in its view, it is not “bad morals,” but rather thoughtful behavior and an approach that has its own logic, even if this logic is terrible, terrible, and even extremely stupid. Among Israel’s goals in sowing death and spreading destruction in the Gaza Strip are:
First, an attempt to raise awareness that whoever challenges Israel will pay a heavy price, himself and those around him. The use of disproportionate violence against the people of the country, in every challenge, is one of the traditional methods of settler-colonial regimes, and what distinguishes the Israeli regime is that it is the only settler-colonialism that has not decided the battle. The people of Palestine are still alive and thriving despite all the tragedies. As long as this is the case, Israel will not rest in peace. It will continue to resort to extreme violence to deter the colonized from seeking freedom, and it will continue to fear him as much as a criminal does to the victim.
Secondly, Israel wants to restore its deterrence in the face of its people, whose image of an invincible army has crumbled before their eyes, and who have begun to feel insecure and afraid of what surrounds them, and who have begun to doubt their army’s ability to provide security. The Zionist state fears that the loss of confidence will lead to emigration from the country, or to emigration from the settlements adjacent to the borders of Gaza and Lebanon. Both of these matters are a blow to the heart of the Zionist project, which considers immigration to the country and settlement to be one of its basic pillars. In addition, the army and government leadership seek to calm the minds of The Israeli street by quenching the thirst for revenge and shedding Palestinian blood. I am not a fan of making such judgments, and I write this after I almost “broken down” to hear, watch, and read thousands of interventions from the left and the right, which carried this meaning and worse.
Third, Israel seeks, through mass murder and mass destruction, to drive wedges between the masses of Gaza and the Hamas movement, and directly and through its agents in the West and the Arab world, it promotes the idea that Hamas bears responsibility for the brutal Israeli bombing of Gaza, as if Israel would have acted differently if it had faced the Popular Front and the Front. Democracy. Killing civilians to achieve political goals is the international definition of terrorism, and Israel meets all criteria for “terrorism.”
Fourth, the Zionist state is trying to restore its prestige and deter it from its enemies and allies, after what happened to it in the October 7 strike. It resorts to displaying its capabilities in killing, bombing, and committing crimes with the aim of restoring its fierce fighting spirit, and sending a message to Lebanon, the West Bank, Iran, and to everyone who thinks of challenging it, that it will meet destruction and killing, as Gaza is now. The mass killing of civilians and children is an intended goal of achieving Israel’s deterrence goal.
Rolling ground operation
The destruction, devastation, killing and displacement in Gaza may heal the anger of the Israeli street, and Israeli leaders may build their glory on the skulls of Gazans, but this does not make Israeli society feel reassured, after what happened on October 7th. There is complete consensus on the necessity of eliminating the Hamas movement, and that without achieving this goal, security will not be achieved for the “people of Israel.” In parallel, there is also consensus that aerial bombardment does not achieve this goal, and there is a need for a ground operation. There was a disagreement over the ground operation between Netanyahu, who hesitated and was afraid, and the army leadership, which was eager and in a hurry. The Israeli leadership, both political and security, reached a decision to carry out a “disciplined,” cautious, and gradual ground incursion, for fear of involvement, failure, and angering public opinion in the region and the world. Israel is obscuring the course of events in the ground operation, and is following a policy of ambiguity and camouflage as a military-political tactic. Since the operation takes place in the “darkness,” few people, even in Israel itself, know what is really going on. When the Israeli Minister of Security, Yoav Galant, and the army spokesman, Brigadier General Daniel Hagari, announced that the battles were fierce and the losses were heavy, they only provided information about the killing of 12 Israeli soldiers, the wounding of others, and the disabling of some military vehicles, but it seems that the Israeli losses will be much greater, given that Taking into account that the Israeli army only entered peripheral areas of Gaza City, and encountered fierce resistance from the city’s defenders.
The Israeli military leadership does not disclose its plans, not even its concrete goals, and is content with repeating the saying “destroying the combat capabilities of the Hamas movement.” However, it is evident from the statements of former military officials that the battle will not only be gradual, but it will also be rolling. After each stage, the army will conduct an assessment to decide to roll forward or backward, depending on the results and the calculation of risks. The first phase of the war on Gaza was a terrible air bombardment on the cities of the Strip, and the current second phase came to combine the ground invasion and air and sea bombardment. This stage aims to completely control the northern Gaza Strip and continue targeting civilians and residential buildings, in addition to attempting to blow up tunnels, reach weapons stores and rocket-launching batteries, and assassinate the largest possible number of Hamas leaders and members. After completing all of this, the Israeli army leadership intends to conduct an inventory of the extent to which the war’s objectives have been achieved. If it is convinced that a large part of them has been achieved, it will “suffice” with occupying the northern Gaza Strip and working to impose its conditions, most notably making Gaza a demilitarized zone, with Israeli security control. . But there is a serious possibility that Israel will continue its war to completely occupy the Gaza Strip, and seek to transform it into something resembling Area B: Palestinian (or Arab or international) civil administration and Israeli security responsibility. This is what Israel wants, but it seems that the winds of Gaza portend what Israel’s ships do not desire.
About The Author:
Abdallah Gasmi was born in Beni Khalad, governorate of Nabeul, Tunisia, on 21 September 1967
The demise of his primary education at the Manzal Bouzalfa and secondary Suleiman
And higher in the Faculty of Arts in Manouba, including obtaining a professorship in the Arabic language and literature and then a master and get a master’s specialist in Islamic philosophy
He is a senior professor at the Tunisian secondary institutes
He holds many responsibilities in a number of associations
He was a member of the governing body of the Tunisian Writers Union in charge of branches and clubs and resigned in 2013
Secretary General of the General Union of Tunis Writers
Prsedent of the assiociation salon culurel creative vision
Holds the key to the Algerian city of Batna on the occasion of the fiftieth independence of Algeria
He was responsible for the general secretary of the Tunisian Writers Union branch in Nabeul before he resigned
Member of the Arab Internet Writers Union
He is the owner of the Tunisian newspaper Al Diar and is currently its editor
He is currently working on Mediterranean Radio Tunisia
Poetry Books:
– Travel in language classes
Times of color and body
Light ports
– Cities of grief
Narcissus and Jasmine Orchard
Arabic poet hallucinations
Tunisian Odyssey
– Has a critical book entitled “Rhetoric of the linguistic object”
One of the most prominent monetary studies published in the Arab periodicals
The Rhetoric of the Visual Object “A Theoretical Approach to the Study of Visual Distribution in Modern Poetry”
– Expressive and psychological dimension of rhythm in modern poetry
– Tunisia a century of poetry: Chebbi is not an orphan and in the forest other trees
Towards reviewing the rhythmic theory of Arabic poetry
– In defense of modernity and prose poem
Readings for some books in Tunisian poetry
Published many intellectual articles in a number of newspapers and Arab sites in Tunisia and the Arab world of the most prominent articles
– How to cry the demise of my people
– And some other poetic manuscripts
His play entitled “Whirlpool” represented by the Algerian artist Sonia and directed by Iraqi director “Salam al-Sukr” and won many awards
His second play is “Pimp”
Prepared a global encyclopedia of poetry entitled “Jasmine collars and love”
He supervised many literary clubs and he supervised the poetry club of the Union of Tunisian Writers and the literary club of Suleiman.
He published many poems and literary articles in a number of Tunisian and Arab newspapers
He has hundreds of poems, texts and articles published on the Internet all over the world
Member of the most famous literary and cultural forums of Arab and international
– Some of his works were translated into several foreign languages such as Romanian and English
Honored by the number of cultural and national events, the most important of which was awarded to the key to the city of Batna, capital of the Aures in Algeria
He prepared a number of international ontologies of poetry, including:
Jasmine and Love Collars (Published)
Ontology of Tunisian Poetry and Serbian Poetry (published)
Ontology of Tunisian Poetry and Italian Poetry (published)
Ontology of Tunisian Poetry and Greek Poetry (in press)
The Anthology of Tunisian Poetry and the Poetry of Montenegro (pending publication)
The Anthology of European Poets (pending publication)
Anthology of African poetry and European poetry (pending publication)
Poets of the Balkans (pending publication)
Translated into Arabic and French by thousands of poems on its website specialized in international poetry:
http://thejasmincollors.com/
He won many international awards in Jordan, Algeria, Serbia, Greece and Italy
Honored in a number of countries
He is a human rights activist, and he is a member of the executive office of an international human rights observatory.